The myths that fueled the drug’s criminalization have deep roots.
That is an version of Time-Journey Thursdays, a journey via The Atlantic’s archives to contextualize the current, floor pleasant treasures, and look at the American thought.
The earliest point out of marijuana I may discover in The Atlantic’s pages was from “I Like Unhealthy Boys,” an immersive essay from November 1939 wherein J. M. Braude profiles working-class adolescents caught up within the Chicago Boys’ Court docket system. Braude describes the drug as a “standard demoralizing agent to younger folks in the present day” that was “initially … smoked by Mexicans, Spaniards, and extra just lately, by Negroes.” He rapidly falls into the reefer-madness discourse, describing marijuana as inducing a bacchanalian state wherein “the consumer succumbs to wild wishes, and so aroused turns into his creativeness that he commits crimes with the ecstasy of a sadist.”
Braude’s rhetoric sounds prefer it was ripped straight from an anti-marijuana PSA. It wasn’t till many years later that The Atlantic started to include a broader vary of reporting on marijuana, publishing writers akin to Robert Coles, who posited in 1972 that weed may really “supply a nice and satisfying expertise,” and Jeremy Larner, whose 1965 story on drug tradition at American faculties took a extra open-minded angle towards hashish. Though Larner was involved that marijuana could possibly be a gateway drug, he additionally famous that the results of marijuana pale as compared with these of alcohol—“the nation’s 5 million alcoholics undergo from cirrhosis, nervous illnesses, and even mind injury”—and cigarettes, which have addictive properties and trigger lung most cancers.
The Beat poet Allen Ginsberg’s 1966 manifesto, “The Nice Marijuana Hoax,” gives what I consider is the primary testimony in The Atlantic about what getting excessive really looks like. Ginsberg describes how marijuana allowed him to launch his thoughts from the unsatisfying burdens of each day life and deal with artwork, music, and writing. “I’ve spent about as many hours excessive as I’ve spent in film theaters—generally three hours every week, generally twelve or twenty or extra, as at a movie competition—with about the identical diploma of alteration of my regular consciousness,” he writes.
The essay additionally spends ample time attacking the prevailing myths that encompass marijuana discourse, arguing that hashish just isn’t a confirmed gateway drug to tougher narcotics, and that its criminalization is definitely what results in nervousness amongst people who smoke. There’s no option to have a soothing excessive when you realize that the very act can land you in a cell, Ginsberg argues, ascribing the nation’s strict anti-marijuana legal guidelines partially to Harry J. Anslinger, the commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics from 1930 to 1962 and an early Battle on Medicine supporter, who as soon as stated, “You smoke a joint and also you’re prone to kill your brother.”
I could disagree with Ginsberg’s concept on marijuana-induced nervousness (weed simply isn’t for everybody!), however I think about this essay a touchstone in The Atlantic’s weed reporting—one which helped set the stage for Eric Schlosser’s 1994 story “Reefer Insanity” and his 1997 follow-up, “Extra Reefer Insanity,” wherein he took on acquainted foes (particularly Anslinger). The authorized response to marijuana use—jailings, surveillance, fearmongering—overwhelmingly exceeds the detrimental affect the drug has on its customers and their communities, Schlosser argues. In his 1994 essay, he plainly asks: “How does a society come to punish an individual extra harshly for promoting marijuana than for killing somebody with a gun?”
Although Ginsberg and Schlosser increase vital questions on marijuana and the authorized system (akin to why California’s three-strikes regulation imprisoned twice as many individuals for marijuana offenses as for homicide, rape, and kidnapping mixed), neither of them really cope with the extent to which the problem has been racialized. Marijuana was closely related in the course of the Anslinger period with Blackness and urbanity, two traits that had been already focused in America. Ginsberg writes that the “use of marijuana has all the time been widespread among the many Negro inhabitants on this nation” and that the criminalization of the drug “has been a serious unconscious, or unmentionable, methodology of assault on negro Individual.” However he fails to handle why sure communities—Black folks, Latinos, and radical leftists, significantly younger males—had been disproportionately focused by anti-marijuana legal guidelines. Research present that marijuana use has been comparable throughout racial traces for years, but Black People have been arrested at a four-to-one price in contrast with white People. Dishonest leaders seemingly cared much less about stopping folks from reaching stoned enlightenment than about policing and controlling populations they considered as risky and unruly.
Weed has grow to be far more socially acceptable over the previous 50 years. It’s authorized in 24 states, extra People are utilizing it, and previous presidents have pardoned or commuted the sentences of some prisoners convicted of marijuana prices. Whereas Twentieth-century protection often centered on the draconian policing of the drug, in the present day’s discourse tends to be extra involved with the gaps uncovered by full leisure entry. Latest articles in The Atlantic mirror shifting attitudes towards the drug: Annie Lowrey’s “America’s Invisible Pot Addicts,” Olga Khazan’s “The Misplaced Optimism in Authorized Pot,” and my very own story on the power of marijuana agree that hashish needs to be authorized—however in addition they stay cautious of the potential negative effects of normalizing weed use with out sufficient oversight.
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